History takes time. To understand the historic decline of the Democratic Party I have found it useful to reach back to a book I wrote in 1984, The Liberal Crack-Up. It is a diagnosis of what was then the core philosophy of the Democratic Party, liberalism, and a prognosis of its future. But history takes time.It is about to be outpaced throughout the federal judiciary.
The liberal crack-up began with the defeat of that liberal fantastico, Jimmy Carter. It picked up steam during the 1990s, when the Democrats lost the House and the Senate and many state offices -- and the media's legend endures that President Bill Clinton is a political genius. His genius is in self-promotion.
He is a cunning huckster. But the liberal crack-up did not reach the point of no return until November 2, 2004. Then on that glad and glorious morn, that reductio ad absurdum of a liberal presidential candidate, Jean-Fran?§ois Kerry, the Democratic elites, and all the liberals in the media beheld Victory. It was to be a return to their vicarious lives as Kennedys!, Roosevelts!, Progressives!
Alas, by November 3 their delusions became very difficult to maintain. Sure there are many who still think they won. Doubtless Jean-Fran?§ois, his balmy wife, and many in his entourage still feel as morally and intellectually superior as they did in the expectant hours of November 2. Yet clear-headed students of politics today recognize that the Democratic Party has suffered a catastrophic defeat. Some, such as Mayor Richard Daley of Chicago and Senator Evan Bayh of Indiana, are politely suggesting that their party is in need of a philosophy transplant, something less narcissistic, less out-of-this world, than the troubled philosophy that since the 1960s has been at its core, namely, liberalism.
The liberalism that became rampant in the Democratic Party beginning in the late 1960s drove out all other intellectual impulses. Yes, a poseur such as Jimmy Carter might make a feint towards fiscal conservatism, but he could not resist his education lobby, his environmentalists, or his ''minority rights'' careerists. And he was most in his element lecturing Americans on their ''inordinate fear of Communism'' and their ''malaise.'' Today he is just another ''blame-America-first'' megalomaniac.
Boy Clinton was not a lot different. His vaunted balanced budget was achieved at least in part by his niggardliness toward the military. His whole egotistic lifestyle was late-twentieth century liberalism replete with zoo sex in the office and hand-holding with visiting preachers and therapists.
Then came Al Gore and after that the football-throwing, snow boarding, wind-surfing, bungee-jumping fantasist whose self-important huffiness over being called ''French-looking'' made teasing him such a delight.
At the heart of the liberal crack-up, which I first diagnosed in 1984, is the impulse to politicize everything from food to sex to happenstance -- and to moralize. The liberal of the liberal crack-up is a free-floating moralizer. Such liberals are also dramatists of the most adolescent variety. No human experience is beyond their melodrama. There is no misfortune that they will not exploit for votes. Their politics is built on a world of extremes. The conservatism of President George W. Bush, a conservatism that has been governing America for most of the past 24 years, remains to these liberals shocking, dangerous, or ''extremist,'' as they say.
By TO TRUE DEMOCRACY
The liberal crack-up began with the defeat of that liberal fantastico, Jimmy Carter. It picked up steam during the 1990s, when the Democrats lost the House and the Senate and many state offices -- and the media's legend endures that President Bill Clinton is a political genius. His genius is in self-promotion.
He is a cunning huckster. But the liberal crack-up did not reach the point of no return until November 2, 2004. Then on that glad and glorious morn, that reductio ad absurdum of a liberal presidential candidate, Jean-Fran?§ois Kerry, the Democratic elites, and all the liberals in the media beheld Victory. It was to be a return to their vicarious lives as Kennedys!, Roosevelts!, Progressives!
Alas, by November 3 their delusions became very difficult to maintain. Sure there are many who still think they won. Doubtless Jean-Fran?§ois, his balmy wife, and many in his entourage still feel as morally and intellectually superior as they did in the expectant hours of November 2. Yet clear-headed students of politics today recognize that the Democratic Party has suffered a catastrophic defeat. Some, such as Mayor Richard Daley of Chicago and Senator Evan Bayh of Indiana, are politely suggesting that their party is in need of a philosophy transplant, something less narcissistic, less out-of-this world, than the troubled philosophy that since the 1960s has been at its core, namely, liberalism.
The liberalism that became rampant in the Democratic Party beginning in the late 1960s drove out all other intellectual impulses. Yes, a poseur such as Jimmy Carter might make a feint towards fiscal conservatism, but he could not resist his education lobby, his environmentalists, or his ''minority rights'' careerists. And he was most in his element lecturing Americans on their ''inordinate fear of Communism'' and their ''malaise.'' Today he is just another ''blame-America-first'' megalomaniac.
Boy Clinton was not a lot different. His vaunted balanced budget was achieved at least in part by his niggardliness toward the military. His whole egotistic lifestyle was late-twentieth century liberalism replete with zoo sex in the office and hand-holding with visiting preachers and therapists.
Then came Al Gore and after that the football-throwing, snow boarding, wind-surfing, bungee-jumping fantasist whose self-important huffiness over being called ''French-looking'' made teasing him such a delight.
At the heart of the liberal crack-up, which I first diagnosed in 1984, is the impulse to politicize everything from food to sex to happenstance -- and to moralize. The liberal of the liberal crack-up is a free-floating moralizer. Such liberals are also dramatists of the most adolescent variety. No human experience is beyond their melodrama. There is no misfortune that they will not exploit for votes. Their politics is built on a world of extremes. The conservatism of President George W. Bush, a conservatism that has been governing America for most of the past 24 years, remains to these liberals shocking, dangerous, or ''extremist,'' as they say.
By TO TRUE DEMOCRACY